Museveni's track record for cheating under such circumstance is quite elaborate. Sample of a catalogue.
Museveni infiltrated the Musasani Palace and cheated President Nyerere that he was a committed Marxist/Socialist and would die for the cause, he now peddles capitalist ideology of extreme capitalism called 'globalisation. He infiltrated President's Offices in Parliament building in Kampala and cheated Obote/Akena Adoko that he was the most loyal UPC youth and use to crawl on his knees on the 4th Flour to show respect for President Obote, but now abuses and cannot give the slightest of respect expected of a younger person to an Older person in our African culture. He again cheated Nyerere and claimed in 1972 that he had personal army of 6,000 men in the ready in Uganda. It was on this bases that Nyerere allow for an invasion of Uganda. Museveni turned up at Mutukula with only 13 men and 2 women. The invasion attempt ended in a tragic fiasco in Masaka and Mbarara. 1,015 Ugandan invaders were killed. Museveni escaped driving himself into Tanzania in the only Medical truck which wassupposed to rescue the injured.Come Arusha Conference, Museveni again posed as the great revolutionary and an anti-Obote who would save President Lule. Lule appointed him as his minister of defence, giving him a free hand to recruit heavily from UN Rwandese Refugee Camps and train hand selected officers at Munduli in Tanzania. President Binaisa took him in confidence as well during which he continued to consolidate the position of his private army within the UNLA. On the other hand he took active part in overthrowing both Lule and Binaisa, If fate gave him the fortune to become President , certainly Binaisa gave him the arms.In 1980, when the general elections effectively threw him out of the Uganda political arena and limelight, he now fully fell back on to his originally conspired master plan to subvert any Uganda government by the force of arms. He declared war on the elected government, 1981 and organised his army in Luweero. In an amalgamation with Lule's UNM, Museveni cheated Lule and kept most of the power the newly formed NRM/NRA. Andrew Kayira, Lule's right hand man was pushed to the fringes. Kayira attacked LubiriBarracks in 1982, and on withdrawing through Rubaga, Museveni laid an ambush and relieved Kayira of the arms he had looted from the barracks. Despite this rift, Cardinal E Nsubuga managed to put Museveni and Kayira together to continue to work togetherin tandem.
The UNLA's specialist 51 Brigade thoroughly defeated Museveni's NRA in Luwero near river Kaafu Dec 83. Fortunately for Museveni, a UNLA helicopter carrying the Chief of Staff Lt.Gen Oyite Ojok crashed killing him and all his staff on board instantly. Hisdeath was to change the course of history of Uganda. During the lull for the mourning for Oyite, the defeated NRA escaped from the encirclement, crossed river Kaafu and entered the thick of Bundogo Forest. (to continue).The NRA defeat at Kaafu sent an unwelcome signal in certain circle in Uganda and capitals abroad. By this time Grace Ibingira had successfully sold Museveni to his friend President Bush as a budding African leader of the Savimbi-class. From visits to theUSA and Mike Pike's videos and photographs, Museveni was analysed and had fitted the CIA bill very well (who says the CIA recruits people without personal ambition, without ingenuity, without craftiness and cunning, without audacity to openly lie and ruthless viciousness?). Already in Uganda, White House was accusing the incumbent government in
Kampala of human rights violations in Luwero and at the same time praising and glamourizing the NRA models of democracy and administration in the areas it occupiedThere was a flurry of international actions to save NRA from Budongo Forest. Help arrived in time. The UNLA roadblocks at Kiboga and Hoima were withdrawn except for a platoon roadblock miles outside Masindi Barracks. Immediately NRA occupied Hoima and Museveni was there in person addressing rallies at the Hoima football field etc. Then four trucks fully loaded with arms, ammunitions, food and medical supplies arrived at Masindi Barracks. It is alleged that the officer in charge of receiving supplies could not be found and permission for the trucks to enter the barracks at night could not be obtained. So, the 4 trucks were lined up outside the barrack walls, with some 2 guards. By the morning the NRA had helped itself to the 4 trucks and their contents (according to plan?).By this time Lt.General Bazilio Olara Okello, the officer commanding the UNLA Northern Brigade under which was also Masindi Regiment and barracks, had been sucked deep into the conspiracy to subvert the Uganda government by the force of arms. There was no way such large amounts of armament could be moved in his area of command, from Gulu to Masindi, without his knowledge. He was openly defying orders from his superiors in Kampala and openly campaigning against the government.The Bazilio factor played the ultimate role in the NRA and Museveni survival. The NRA rearmed and, reorganized and split into two. One section marched straight to establish new bases in Toro, Kasese and Bundibugyo. The other re-entered Luwero again and received massive recruits from priests who were now allowed to actively support NRA. For the first time the Baganda out-numbered the Banyankole and Banyarwanda in NRA. At this time also Kayira's UNM and Ngwanga's FEDEMU became very active.And importantly, at this time Museveni had completely infiltrated the UNLA military intelligence and communication systems, and poor NASA. He got all the information he wanted, misinformed, disinformed at will. (to continue).The recently promoted Captain Okwera, commanding Fort Portal, was one of Bazilio's very close confidants. He no longer took orders from his commanding officers in Mbarara Brigade H/qtrs, but directly from Bazilio in Gulu. He was ordered to supply the NRAwith UNLA food and other logistics. Sooner, he sent out army vehicles to ferry the NRA into the barracks. The officers of the loyal section of the UNLA were confused and escaped to Mbarara, abandoning the barracks to the NRA without a single fight. Cpt.Okwera was killed instantly at Kamdini when he ran into Bazilio's own ambush as he was driving to Gulu to report to Bazilio his successful handover of Fort Portal to the NRA. The UNLA Advance Tactical headquarters on Kasese/Fort Portal road also collapsed after its new commanding officer, Brigadier Obot was killed in an NRA ambush. The NRA went on to secure their first firm base of two municipalities and districts of Fort Portal and Kasese. This easy success, facilitated by the Bazilio factor, was vitally significant to the success story of the NRA. Mbarara barracks could now be easily attacked; food supply improved and most importantly, NRA could now fly its personnel and logistics out of and into Kasese Airfield without any hinderance (its pilot agent in Uganda Airlines high jacked and flew a plane to Kasese). All NRA actions that followed were now to be planned and directed from H/qtrs here. Unbeknown to Bazilio, there was an intrigue within intrigue. Bazilio's forces were to do the 'dirty job' of fighting the bulk of the loyal UNLA. for sometime. Bazilio was to engage the loyal UNLA in Acoli , Lango and Luwero areas, and thus destroy the UNLA. This was expected to last for some time. NRA was poised to take on the easy task of sneaking behind the battlefront, joining up with Kayira/Nsubuga forces, and marching with fanfare and pomp of a conqueror and capture Kla without resistance, and overthrow the elected UPC government. The exhausted Bazilio could then be kept out of Kla. The intrigue failed by default. The sudden and dramatic collapse of the loyal UNLA Command allowed Bazilio an easy one-day march on to Kla to grab state power. After Kla fell to Bazilio's troops, Bazilio, like any other person, heard on Radio Uganda his officers arguing on live microphone whether they could be heard in Gulu or Kitgum and after playing their favorite Congolese music, they informed their Commander and asked what to do next. Bazilio was soon out of his Command Post at the Bishop's House at the Catholic Mission in Gulu where he had been hiding since he had began to defy orders from Kla. In a victory salute to announce his success, Bazilio rode an open Land Rover with Mr. Andrea Adimola, the Vice President General of the DP by his side, both men fractically waving to the bemused Gulu shopkeepers and market crowd in that sweltering heat of an eerie Saturday afternoon. They then hurriedly left Gulu for Kampala.Bazilio's success (say luck!) was not predicted and was totally unexpected. It introduced an entirely new, different and awkward political and military situation. The victory was received with great anger and apprehension among the conspirators. NRA mustnow change plans to fight Bazilio's reconstituted UNLA/Military Council, directly. And the paradox? The NRA/Museveni conspiracy to march to drive out co-conspirator Bazilio out of Kampala and outwit the power broker Cardinal Nsubuga was to start from F/Portal that was handed to them 'free of charge' by the very man they must now over thrown.
"Honourable Museveni, please come out of the bush. No more fighting. We are one, let us work together", Radio Uganda crackled for several days pleading with Museveni. 'Naturally', the NRA rejected the plea and refused to join the Military Council to share power with the other groups, but nevertheless took advantage of the unsuspecting Bazilio's political ignorance and naivety and moved its troops within striking distances of the main barracks of Mbarara, Masaka and Bombo. NRA demanded large supplies of food and logistics, which they were given as appeasement. The tattered and overwhelming majority of the UNLA was redundant, confused, and leaderless and could not fight. Some of the soldiers dispersed to their homes and others simply waited to switch side to the winner.On arrival in Kla, on Acacia Avenue, Bazilio's convoy had to fight a fifteen-minute battle to break free. Bazilio quickly confirmed that there was an intrigue going on aand learnt that he was on his own. His fellow conspirators had deserted him. The political leadership he expected to find in Kampala and hero's welcome were absent and the people were hostile to him. He quickly determined that it was vital for his own survival to keep the remnants of the UNLA loyal and united. He, therefore, sent a helicopter to Southern Sudan to hunt down and fetch General Tito Lutwa Okello and reinstated him as the Army Commander and also appointed him as the Chairman of the Military Council, President and Head of State of Uganda. At the same time Bazilio contacted Tanzania and Lt.Gen Msuguri, the liberation war hero of 1979, arrived the same day as Tito.Tito's appointment was bad news and provocation to Museveni, Cardinal Nsubuga and Kayira. To make it worse, Tito, accompanied by his de factor Foreign Minister Olara Otunnu, flew straight to Dar es Salaam to seek advice from President Nyerere on how to run a government. Nyerere chidingly advised Tito to find someone who was still in Uganda who knew what government was about and could run their government for them. They suggested and agreed on Mzee Paulo Muwanga. On return, Tito straightway appointed Muwanga, Prime Minister and was to form a government, while he was still under 'House Arrest' in Entebbe. On announcing Muwanga's appointment all hell was let loose. Kampala exploded with rumours and opinions were polarizing. Some people were suspiciously, and some expectantly asking 'Is UPC back to power again?' 'Is Obote coming back?' Some took up to hostile, visible and grotesque protests. Muwanga's residence on Kololo hill was showered with bullets for a second time that night.Museveni flew out of Kasese through Kigali to Nairobi and in a press release denounced the regime in Kampala as of murderers that he will have no dealings with.Tito's and Paulo's appointments some what stopped the witch-hunt and stayed the execution of many known UPC members in parts of Buganda, at least for a while. Some of the stranded and hiding UPC ministers began to appear in the open. But this came too late for Okello Zziwa's 17-member family. They were all slaughtered in the same night, except for one who escaped to tell the gruesome murder. The old man Zziwa himself was brought bound in ropes to the roadside and amidst torture, humiliation and orgies of laughter and drumming, he was laced with an old tyre, doused with kerosene and was set alight to burn to his death. The laud drums could not drown out his screams of excruciating pain of death. As far as Zziwa was concerned he was a Muganda. He had settled here some 40 years earlier and had nothing to do with his origins in Lango. The whole family spoke only Luganda and practiced kiganda culture as they intermarried with the local people, and was popular and kind.Bazilio was angry and desperate. Adimola could not answer his question, 'Where is the political support you said was waiting for us in Kampala?' He ordered his hitherto closest political advisors, Ademola, Dr. H B Obonyo (his nephew), Mr. Justin Okot (his personal Pricipal Secretary), Mr. Peter Abe, and many of the Acoli DP stalwarts, to be removed from Nile Mansions, and they are to see him only by appointment like everyone else. He now dealt with a group of soldiers calling themselves 'young officers'. Sadly for him, among the so-called young officers were Museveni's men who were monitoring every activity and orders to the army, and reporting it to NRA.The conspirators were well aware of Mzee Muwanga's method of work. His incisiveness in decisions making was well known and he can be bullish. There was now, therefore, fear of 'losing all' to Muwanga. While Cardinal Nsubuga embarked on an open and vicious public diatribe and vilifications, Adimola moved in to live in Muwanga's house on Kololo, maybe to try and salvage something little at least. A DP delegation led by Mr. Paul Ssemogerere, the DP President General and Abe Mukasa, stormed into Muwanga's house and demanded fifteen ministerial seats (but not less than eleven), including that of the ministries of defence, finance and foreign affairs, in the cabinet that Muwanga was going to form, that is if Muwanga wanted their support. That was the price tag for DP support. Nsubuga sent in a letter, demanding that Muwanga should first 'cleanse' himself by denouncing his former government and the UPC for killings and human rights violations in Luwero in particular, and publicly apologizeto the Baganda, or else he must resign in the name of peace in Buganda. Muwanga ignored Nsubuga's letter.Meanwhile, The Military Council rejected Muwanga's first cabinet. Muwanga tried a second time to form a cabinet. This was again rejected. It coincided with Nsubuga,s second letter which demanded that Muwanga should now resign his appointmnt. Then a thirdletter, which was this time written in Luganda, and is believed Nsubuga brought it himself to the gates of Muwanga's house, arrived. On reading the letter, Muwanga raved, as if in pain. That same evening, Muwanga wrote a short letter to the Chairman of the Military Council to tender his immediate resignation, giving no reason or options. No amount of persuasion could later change his mind. Another obstacle to Museveni's ascendance to power had been removed. If anyone celebrated Muwanga's downfall heartly, it must have been the two, Nsubuga and Museveni, whose relations must have grown more cordial and closer since the days in the Cardinal's Kisozi Farm in Luwero when they met often to plan to subvert an elected government. Kayira with his UFM, obviously was busy eliminating the 'undesirables' and blaming it on the Military Council. What followed was afore gone conclusion.Museveni began to call the tunes, even for Bazilio. The NRA laid their roadblocks along Kla/Gulu Road, around Masaka and along Mbarara/Fort Portal Road. They even arrested and detained Bazilio's officers, and he could do nothing about it.Nsubuga and Museveni put the Nairobi Peace Talks together in order to buy time for the NRA and UFM to complete training the large number of recruits, which they have by now recruited between them and deploy them strategically. For the first time Nsubuga came out openly, and publicly announced his interest in politics on UTV and Radio Uganda. He even evoked the powers of the Pope who had allowed him to participate in politics, as long as he did not hold office. He invited himself to Nairobi and gave himself the status of 'observer'. Many Ugandans watched this phenomenon with owe and concern. The Talks were probably the saddest tragedy in the annals of Uganda political history. The two monkeys riding a leopard were the two most politically naïve, namely Col. Wilson Toko, the Vice Chairman of the Military Commission and the Foreign Minister Olara Otunnu. It was as clear as day that members of the Kisozi Farm Group sat on both sides of the Conference table and also on the observers' desks. By night, as Otunnu and Toko went to sleep, the Kisozi Farm Group sat together and compared notes and planned how to prolong the Talks. They cheered Otunnu on as he wasted time repeatedly tried to outshine a whole Cardinal on matters of 'spirit' and 'faith', while the Cardinal was visibly dreaming of the day and hour when his guns will blaze into Kampala and rid it of these buffoons. Museveni sat there a few minutes at a time utterly amused as he saw the drama unfold. Otherwise he was out of the meeting issuing press statements to denounce the Military Commission and calling theindividuals, murderers.Mr. Tiny Roland of LONRHO paid for all NRA costs, underwrote the procurement of arms, and also laid his executive jet for Museveni's use. Museveni flew to Dar es Salaam, Kigali and to base in Kasese several times. LONRHO was a conglomerate of companies based in London but made its ill-gotten wealth in Eastern, Central and Southern Africa. It was known for introducing bribery and corruption in the corridors of African governments. Tiny made several trips in 1984/5 to see President Obote. He demanded exclusive rights to buy all Uganda Coffee, to build an Oil Pipe Line from Nairobi to Kampala, and an absolute franchise to explore and exploit all Uganda's mineral potential. Needless to say, anybody who knew Obote well for his nationalism and patriotism, the answer was to be 'No'. It is said Obote was angry at Tiny,s arrogance and insistence, and added 'I, Obote as an individual, have no right to mortgage my country in perpetuity.' Tiny flew straight back to Nairobi and looked up Museveni. When the anti-Bazilio forces were ready to make the final assault on Kla, two things happened. Museveni agreed to sign the Agreement. Secondly, to ensure the easy capture of Kampala, Bazilio was to be removed. The American Embassy in Kampala hurriedly organized for Bazilio to visit Washington, allegedly to put his case directly to the President of the USA and also to check on his health. Bazilio stupidly agreed to go, and was driven to Nairobi to get a quick connection. Rumours spread that he had run away. His friends of the FUNA and UNRF withdrew from the front line back to West Nile. His other officers of the UNLA began to desert one by one leaving the Bazilio army in complete disarray.
Bazilio rushed back and landed at Entebbe on a Wednesday. He could not drive in to Kampala. The NRA had already occupied the Ent/Kla road. The Air Force, nonetheless, flew him on a helicopter to the Nile Mansions. He was lucky to find Kla was still in the hands of his loyal troops. Not because his troops had put up a fight, but because of a delay caused by another intrigue within intrigue. It was not clear whether Nsubuga had wanted to get rid of Museveni at this stage. But Kayira's UFM and 'Col.'Nkwanga's FEDEMU were now the real authority within and in the surrounds of Kampala. They stopped Museveni's NRA from advancing on to Kampala until 'matters were sorted out.' They clashed with NRA at Rubaga, ENT road, Makindye, Gaba, Luzira.Bazilio planned roadblocks and ambushes that night around Kampala. The first major person to fall into the ambush at Nakawa was Nkwanga. He confessed during an interrogation in Nile Mansion that he was heading his troops to take over Radio Uganda and UTVso as to announce the overthrow of the Military Council. Later in the day of that fateful Thursday, Cardinal Nsubuga was to be sworn in as Uganda's Interim President, who would then appoint Dr. Andrew Kayira as the Prime Minister to form a government. Nkwanga never lived to see another day. Kayira, at his stronghold base in Gaba, confirmed that Nsubuga was due to be sworn in but Museveni stayed away, therefore, the ceremony had to be postponed. Cardinal Nsubuga disappeared that night, and was later seen in Nairobi. He allegedly was looking for Museveni. Museveni meanwhile seemed to have sniffed the intrigue and had flown to NRB and out of NRB via Arusha to Kasese; behind his troops.Tito, quite characteristically, flew out of Nile Mansions and was once more reported to be inspecting troops between Jinja and Moroto. Bazilio conceded defeat and also flew out of Nile Mansions on Friday night, leaving many of his lieutenants and vulnerable Ministers behind. Ocaya Lakidi hid in the boiler room and in the morning was seen crawling along and squeezing his voluminous size through broken fences together with looters, to get away. The fact that they left haphazardly and in a hurry is vividlyremembered by the fate of Paul Okonyomoi Otunnu who was abandoned and got to a command radio that had been left switched on. He was bellowing out a distress call intermittently every other minute, 'I am Paul Lukonyomoi, the pastor, I am the brother of Olara Otunnu, I am still here in Nile Mansion. Can you come and collect me? Do you hear me? Do you hear me?' The radio crackled, and a voice answered, 'I hear you well, stay put, we will find you, Roger Over and out.' It was the NRAradio communication answering. Nobody came for Lukonyomoi and he was able to walk out in the morning among cooks and other servants who were also stranded last night. Another one. An intelligence officer was still reporting from the Car Park; ' I can see many 'keya' here fallen in parade, I think they are 'adui', please send rece (reconnaissance).' A voice came on, 'you are wrong, they are our troops, they are going to the frontline. Do not radio again, out.' The NRA was assembling at the Bus Park to make the final assault on the Republic House, in which Tito's bodyguard and a son were killed.On the forth day after Kampala had virtually fallen in the hands of the NRA, the Radio announced to the waiting and speculating people of Uganda that it was Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, leader and commander of the NRA, after all, who was to be sworn in as president. It was rather a subdued ceremony, but Cardinal Nsubuga was there, and everybody who mattered and had contributed to the undermining and eventual subversion of Uganda's second elected government and thus the thwarting of the processes of democracyin Uganda, were there, except, of course, the donkey Bazilio and the blind bat Tito.It is always pays to give the devil his due worth. Museveni has an amazing instinct of survival like that found in animals. When confronted by a superior force he will run away to gain another day, but he will relentlessly hunt down those inferior to himto their deaths. He will hunt down his opponents; and these include those opposed to him and those with whom he has worked with but have proved to be cleverer or smarter than him.In order to plan to cheat and to destroy his enemies, Museveni knows that 'information is power' and will search and manipulate information. He will pay heavily for it if necessary. In this matter he excels and will not trust a single being. He would want to know even what happens in his closest collaborators' or worst enemy's bed. While he kept his own marriage of political expediency and convenience to Janet secret, he ruined Kategaya's happy marriage, and many more.The moment he seized power, he consolidated and established permanent lobbies in Washington, London and Brussels, and at the IMF/World Bank. He has overlapping cobwebs of Intelligence Network (internal ISO based on the pyramidal LC system and external ESO), a string of local and foreign journalists, writers, clerics, former colonial administrators and teachers, businessmen (the Bill Cash, Linda Chalker, Michael Heseltine, British Asians, Public Relations Bureau (Image Makers), who all do his propaganda,speaking glowingly about him and inform him. The other day he boasted to his listeners in South Africa and said that 'our(Museveni's) Intelligence is thorough'. Museveni has paid more money to run these services than the actual and entire NRA/UPDM annual budgets. His letter to Clare Short for more money should be understood in this context. He said it in his first budget speech 1986 that his first priority is defence, and second, defence, and third, defence, then others may follow. Hewas talking about the Defence of himself that was very important, that must be offensive, thorough, ruthless and vindictive.On capturing state power, Musveni set himself to pursue the remnants of the defeated, decimated and humiliated Bazilio forces to death. He did not take hid of the advice given him by the emergency Northern Consultative Group Ad Hoc Committee (NCG), underthe Chairman of Mzee Wacha-Olwol. NCG was formed primarily to plead with Museveni to spare the lives of the wives and children of the fleeing soldiers, give them protection and food, and stop the unnecessary abuse, rape and killings that were going on of people identified as being non-bantu or Anyanya. However, the NCG took the liberty to advise Museveni that the victorious NRA could be misunderstood if it carried its revenge- like onslaught far and deep into the countryside of strong UPC area and the true North. The ordinary civil society who had nothing to do with Bazilio's military coup, may resist or even reject NRA for fear that it had come to kill them. It would be prudent and politically correct, if the NRA stopped at Soroti,then ordered the fleeing soldiers to lay down their arms and report, possibly for a re-absorption into a new Uganda army. The NCG was confident that many fleeing soldiers would have surrendered to the NRA, at this stage, without a single short, as the majority of them were innocent and were merely dragged into the Bazilio coup by the dynamics of military command, discipline and deceit. Some of these soldiers openly regretted and lamented over their folly for not having resisted Bazilio in early 1985. They had believed the trickery and ploy that Bazilio's forces were coming to Kla (only as a rebellion) only to demand better terms for the military and the removal of certain bad ministers and officers, until it was too late to react when they saw a full blown coup detat unravel that overturned an elected government that many had in fact supported and celebrated its election in 1980. It is said that even Tito regretted the coup and blamed it on Bazilio. Bazilio later openly lamentedhis folly for having entered a conspiracy he did not quite understand. He was deceived and for that he swore in anger that he would never take the holy sacrament from Cardinal Nsubuga again in his life. (the swearing became true, both are now dead). Museveni's prime enemy who was of immediate danger to him, however, was now Nsubuga's 'blue-eyed boy' Kayira and his UFA/M, and the late Nkwanga's FEDEMU. On failing to infiltrate the UFM/FEDEMU, he formed of them a new brigade and it was adorned in new Korean fatigues and brandishing new guns. The brigade was dispatched off to Naamukora, a remote part of Northern Uganda, away from the reach of Kayira and Dr Lwanga (the faceless man behind Fedemu). While there, similar Luwero tricks were used on it. NRASpecial Duties committed heinous atrocities against and massacres of innocent peasants in a bizarre revenge in that area. This was blamed on the brigade. Soon Kayira's Officers were arrested and brought back in handcuffs to Luzira Maximum Prison. The UFM/FEDEMU brigade was infiltrated and dismantled. The selected younger soldiers were dispersed to the various units of the NRA and the rest were dismissed with disgrace. That was the end and demise of UFM/FEDEMU. Kayira the brutaltribalist was left dangerously exposed and at Museveni's mercy. Kayira the Minister, of course, was meanwhile busy committing crimes, looting and accumulating property. He ordered the removal and transfer to Mukono of a Power transformer which had already been installed at Lira S/S to stabilize and boost Electricity supplies to Lira, Gulu, Kitgum, and Soroti, leaving this area in darkness.By maintaining a warm relationship with the Kisozi Farm Group, Museveni personally kept an eye on Cardinal Nsubuga and lulled Kayira to sleep. Kayira was assassinated in style. No one person to date has been apprehended for that foul murder. Nsubuga's frail heath soon gave in in frustration, desperation and agony of failure. Museveni had taken them for a long long ride after which nothing could be reversed. He used them as long as they were still useful. As Museveni himself likes to put it 'they (the DP/Baganda) are like 'sugar cane'; you chew it as long as it is still yielding juice, and then you spit the chaff out'. Of course he has a metaphor for UPC as well, 'they (UPC) are like nsenene, you put them in a gourd and they will soon be biting at each others tails and wings, and are oblivious to the bigger danger that threatens them all'.Of course Nsubuga did not lose everything. He should have died a proud and a happier man. He contributed to the ousting of the UPC from power a second time, thus fulfilling the dream he had held since the early days at Kisubi at the founding of the DP. He has left the DP a lot stronger than it was two decades ago. The DP now holds sway at the Kabaka's Palace at Mengo. Nsubuga succeded where many years before him I. Mugwanya had failed. It is said without Cardinal Nsubuga and Lt. Gen Bazilio Olara Okello, there would have been no President Museveni. A lot still remains to unravel.The NRA was received in the North with mixed feelings. Those who knew and supported Bazilio's coup were utterly shocked at the sudden turn of events for the worse. Some people celebrated Bazilio's fall, more as mocking the great old soldier run for his life.The majority people, however, did not welcome the NRA as they had not welcomed Bazilio. They had been happy to see the back of Amin in 1979, after nine years of brutal military dictatorship and destruction of Uganda's economy. The people here voted massively in the 1980 elections hoping that they would finally get rid of the soldiers from meddling in politics This was not to be. They were extremely suspicious and anxious as to what would now happen. So, there was that atmosphere of 'wait and see', because they regarded the matter as mainly a military affair, an army against an army, both being devils one could not choose from, but which have sand-witched them.Bazilio's reconstituted UPDA attacked NRA at Bibia in Attiak and quickly moved to surround Gulu. The NRA proposed a peaceful disengagement and settlement of the confrontation. A meeting took place between Salim Saleh and Kazini of the NRA and Okello-Okeno, Kilama etc of the UPDA at Unyama NTC 10 km north of Gulu. UPDA officers were offered free access into Gulu Municipality, transport and other niceties. Salim Saleh let it be vaguely known that he himself has wanted to over throw his brother Museveni's government, and was asking his fellow soldiers of the UPDA to join him, so that matters would now be entirely in military hands. Some officers swallowed the lie bate and clinker. Okello-Okeno, Kilama etc took money from Saleh. This way the UPDA was infiltrated, undermined, and before their overall commander Brigadier Odong-Latek could rule over this matter, the UPDA soldiers had laid down their arms and surrendered to the NRA en mass, and Okeno signed a 'peace agreement' (or is itinstrument of surrender) with Museveni who had flown in to Gulu specially for this occasion. It was painfully witnessed by no other than the ailing Bishop Cipriano Kihangire of the Diocese of Gulu, who six months earlier had given sanctuary to Bazilio'scoup making. And that was the effective end of UPDA. The ex-UPDA officers were eventually killed one by one, including Kilama who was hunted down like a stray dog by the shores of lake Victoria in Jinja and his bullet- riddled remains, together with that of his seven men, was left to rot in the bush. Salim Saleh was not any where near to stop the executions of those he had invited to help him overthrow Museveni. Salim Saleh and his original team are up in the North again with the same tricks. (The moment Saleh stepped in Gulu, it was announced that a very senior officer of the LRA (Tolbert !) was due to surrender to him. It was also announced that Saleh, who had a month earlier declared himself bankrupt, was distributing (his) foodto the poor and hungry in Northern Uganda.The terror that the NRA unleashed on the civil population in the North had its repercussions. The NRA was resented and rejected and fear led to the rise of resistance and quiet but determined civil uprisings, notably the Holy Spirit Movement and the Lords Resistance Army (LRA). Very serious attempt to infiltrate the NRA was made through a Mrs Betty Bigombe, who was to negotiate surrender. Another attempt was through the Kacoke Madit (KM). As soon as the idea of the KM was mooted in the Americas, Museveni rushed his Acoli Minister, Dr Martin Aliker to influence matters from the insception to support Museveni's point of view and form an international forum to condemn the Acoli generally and the LRA in particular. Dr Obita was used extensively to infiltrate and destroy the LRA. KM has its independent life, not controllable by the Acoli. It's conferences are being funded by Museveni and its offices and staff in London are being funded at a cool £100,000 pa by the Commonwealth Fund whichis known for its sympathy and support for Museveni. It is through the KM that the Acoli traditional Leaders are being infiltrated and influenced to toe Museveni's lines in exchange for generous food and cash handouts, and short 'study' tours to UK and USA. Can it be said that Museveni is working towards the complete capitulation of the LRA, rather than negotiate peace? Is it far fetched to think that, he would use the same methods that have so far worked for him, namely to infiltrate, corrupt, undermine and internally destroy organizations, to destroy LRA? What is difficult or impossible there for Museveni to plant his secret agents on along term basis in the LRA?The catalogue of Museveni's cheatings is long. Brigadier Moses Ali is a dramatic example. Ali was well established in Libya as head of his resistance organization, the Uganda National Rescue Front (UNRF) whose members were still active in West Nile. Museveni/Ibingira contact in London was no other than Princess Elizabeth Bagaya of Tooro. Bagaya was a concubine to A Masoud Abiola who became the Nigerian President Elect. Abiola had business interest with Libya's strong man President Gaddafi. On one of hismany trips to Tripoli, Abiola took Bagaya with him. Bagaya had the opportunity to put a word for Museveni to Gaddafi. Soon, Ali was summoned, and was asked to work together with Museveni. An Areement was signed between Ali and Museveni and witnessed by Libya. Gaddafi poured in money and arms. At home, the NRA completely infiltrated UNRF. Ali's best officers were ferried across Lake Albert to Luwero where they provided the vitally important basis of training and expertise, which NRAdid not have. These officers were eventually and variously eliminated. Moses Ali was cheated in the deal, and he is being held at close quarters with meaningless titles and ministerial appointments without portfolio or authority. The Tito Okello/Museveni Nairobi Agreement was not the first or the last agreement papers that Museveni tore and discarded before the ink on them had dried. If you must include the recent and yet another Nairobi Agreement in which President Omar Beshir of Sudan lost the southern township of Torit to the SPLA on account of an agreement with Museveni to eliminate the LRA, then the list will still continue. It is always pays to give the devil his due worth. Museveni has an amazing instinct of survival like that found in animals. When confronted by a superior force he will run away to gain another day, but he will relentlessly hunt down those inferior to himto their deaths. He will hunt down his opponents; and these include those opposed to him and those with whom he has worked with but have proved to be cleverer or smarter than him.In order to plan to cheat and to destroy his enemies, Museveni knows that 'information is power' and will search and manipulate information. He will pay heavily for it if necessary. In this matter he excels and will not trust a single being. He would want to know even what happens in his closest collaborators' or worst enemy's bed. While he kept his own marriage of political expediency and convenience to Janet secret, he ruined Kategaya's happy marriage, and many more.The moment he seized power, he consolidated and established permanent lobbies in Washington, London and Brussels, and at the IMF/World Bank. He has overlapping cobwebs of Intelligence Network (internal ISO based on the pyramidal LC system and external ESO), a string of local and foreign journalists, writers, clerics, former colonial administrators and teachers, businessmen (the Bill Cash, Linda Chalker, Michael Heseltine, British Asians, Public Relations Bureau (Image Makers), who all do his propaganda,speaking glowingly about him and inform him. The other day he boasted to his listeners in South Africa and said that 'our(Museveni's) Intelligence is thorough'. Museveni has paid more money to run these services than the actual and entire NRA/UPDM annual budgets. His letter to Clare Short for more money should be understood in this context. He said it in his first budget speech 1986 that his first priority is defence, and second, defence, and third, defence, then others may follow. Hewas talking about the Defence of himself that was very important, that must be offensive, thorough, ruthless and vindictive.On capturing state power, Musveni set himself to pursue the remnants of the defeated, decimated and humiliated Bazilio forces to death. He did not take hid of the advice given him by the emergency Northern Consultative Group Ad Hoc Committee (NCG), underthe Chairman of Mzee Wacha-Olwol. NCG was formed primarily to plead with Museveni to spare the lives of the wives and children of the fleeing soldiers, give them protection and food, and stop the unnecessary abuse, rape and killings that were going on of people identified as being non-bantu or Anyanya. However, the NCG took the liberty to advise Museveni that the victorious NRA could be misunderstood if it carried its revenge- like onslaught far and deep into the countryside of strong UPC area and the true North. The ordinary civil society who had nothing to do with Bazilio's military coup, may resist or even reject NRA for fear that it had come to kill them. It would be prudent and politically correct, if the NRA stopped at Soroti,then ordered the fleeing soldiers to lay down their arms and report, possibly for a re-absorption into a new Uganda army. The NCG was confident that many fleeing soldiers would have surrendered to the NRA, at this stage, without a single short, as the majority of them were innocent and were merely dragged into the Bazilio coup by the dynamics of military command, discipline and deceit. Some of these soldiers openly regretted and lamented over their folly for not having resisted Bazilio in early 1985. They had believed the trickery and ploy that Bazilio's forces were coming to Kla (only as a rebellion) only to demand better terms for the military and the removal of certain bad ministers and officers, until it was too late to react when they saw a full blown coup detat unravel that overturned an elected government that many had in fact supported and celebrated its election in 1980. It is said that even Tito regretted the coup and blamed it on Bazilio. Bazilio later openly lamentedhis folly for having entered a conspiracy he did not quite understand. He was deceived and for that he swore in anger that he would never take the holy sacrament from Cardinal Nsubuga again in his life. (the swearing became true, both are now dead). Museveni's prime enemy who was of immediate danger to him, however, was now Nsubuga's 'blue-eyed boy' Kayira and his UFA/M, and the late Nkwanga's FEDEMU. On failing to infiltrate the UFM/FEDEMU, he formed of them a new brigade and it was adorned in new Korean fatigues and brandishing new guns. The brigade was dispatched off to Naamukora, a remote part of Northern Uganda, away from the reach of Kayira and Dr Lwanga (de facto FEDEMU boss). While there, similar Luwero tricks were used on it. NRA Special Duties committed heinous atrocities against and massacres of innocent peasants in a bizarre revenge in that area. This was blamed on the brigade. Soon Kayira's Officers were arrested and brought back in handcuffs to Luzira Maximum Prison. The UFM/FEDEMU brigade was infiltrated and dismantled. The selected younger soldiers were dispersed to the various units of the NRA and the rest were dismissed with disgrace. That was the end and demise of UFM/FEDEMU. Kayira the brutal tribalist wasleft dangerously exposed and at Museveni's mercy. Kayira the Minister, of course, was meanwhile busy committing crimes, looting and accumulating property. He ordered the removal and transfer to Mukono of a Power transformer which had already been installed at Lira S/S to stabilize and boost Electricity supplies to Lira, Gulu, Kitgum, and Soroti, leaving this area in darkness.By maintaining a warm relationship with the Kisozi Farm Group, Museveni personally kept an eye on Cardinal Nsubuga and lulled Kayira to sleep. Kayira was assassinated in style. No one person to date has been apprehended for that foul murder. Nsubuga's frail heath soon gave in in frustration, desperation and agony of failure. Museveni had taken them for a long long ride after which nothing could be reversed. He used them as long as they were still useful. As Museveni himself likes to put it 'they (the DP/Baganda) are like 'sugar cane'; you chew it as long as it is still yielding juice, and then you spit the chaff out'. Of course he has a metaphor for UPC as well, 'they (UPC) are like nsenene, you put them in a gourd and they will soon be biting at each others tails and wings, and are oblivious to the bigger danger that threatens them all'.Of course Nsubuga did not lose everything. He should have died a proud and a happier man. He contributed to the ousting of the UPC from power a second time, thus fulfilling the dream he had held since the early days at Kisubi at the founding of the DP. He has left the DP a lot stronger than it was two decades ago. The DP now holds sway at the Kabaka's Palace at Mengo. Nsubuga succeded where many years before him I. Mugwanya had failed. It is said without Cardinal Nsubuga and Lt. Gen Bazilio Olara Okello, there would have been no President Museveni. A lot still remains to unravel.The NRA was received in the North with mixed feelings. Those who knew and supported Bazilio's coup were utterly shocked at the sudden turn of events for the worse. Some people celebrated Bazilio's fall, more as mocking the great old soldier run for his life.The majority people, however, did not welcome the NRA as they had not welcomed Bazilio. They had been happy to see the back of Amin in 1979, after nine years of brutal military dictatorship and destruction of Uganda's economy. The people here voted massively in the 1980 elections hoping that they would finally get rid of the soldiers from meddling in politics This was not to be. They were extremely suspicious and anxious as to what would now happen. So, there was that atmosphere of 'wait and see', because they regarded the matter as mainly a military affair, an army against an army, both being devils one could not choose from, but which have sand-witched them.Bazilio's reconstituted UPDA attacked NRA at Bibia in Attiak and quickly moved to surround Gulu. The NRA proposed a peaceful disengagement and settlement of the confrontation. A meeting took place between Salim Saleh and Kazini of the NRA and Okello-Okeno, Kilama etc of the UPDA at Unyama NTC 10 km north of Gulu. UPDA officers were offered free access into Gulu Municipality, transport and other niceties. Salim Saleh let it be vaguely known that he himself has wanted to over throw his brother Museveni's government, and was asking his fellow soldiers of the UPDA to join him, so that matters would now be entirely in military hands. Some officers swallowed the lie bate and clinker. Okello-Okeno, Kilama etc took money from Saleh. This way the UPDA was infiltrated, undermined, and before their overall commander Brigadier Odong-Latek could rule over this matter, the UPDA soldiers had laid down their arms and surrendered to the NRA en mass, and Okeno signed a 'peace agreement' (or is itinstrument of surrender) with Museveni who had flown in to Gulu specially for this occasion. It was painfully witnessed by no other than the ailing Bishop Cipriano Kihangire of the Diocese of Gulu, who six months earlier had given sanctuary to Bazilio'scoup making. And that was the effective end of UPDA. The ex-UPDA officers were eventually killed one by one, including Kilama who was hunted down like a stray dog by the shores of lake Victoria in Jinja and his bullet- riddled remains, together with that of his seven men, was left to rot in the bush. Salim Saleh was not any where near to stop the executions of those he had invited to help him overthrow Museveni.The terror that the NRA unleashed on the civil population in the North had its repercussions. The NRA was resented and rejected and fear led to the rise of resistance and quiet but determined civil uprisings, notably the Holy Spirit Movement and the Lords Resistance Army (LRA). Very serious attempt to infiltrate the NRA was made through a Mrs Betty Bigombe, who was to negotiate surrender. Another attempt was through the Kacoke Madit (KM). As soon as the idea of the KM was mooted in the Americas, Museveni rushed his Acoli Minister, Dr Martin Aliker to influence matters from the insception to support Museveni's point of view and form an international forum to condemn the Acoli generally and the LRA in particular. Dr Obita was used extensively to infiltrate and destroy the LRA. KM has its independent life, not controllable by the Acoli. It's conferences are being funded by Museveni and its offices and staff in London are being funded at a cool £100,000 pa by the Commonwealth Fund whichis known for its sympathy and support for Museveni. Can it be said that Museveni is working towards the complete capitulation surrender of the LRA, rather than negotiate peace? Is it far fetched to think that, he would use the same methods that have so far worked for him, namely to infiltrate, corrupt, undermine and internally destroy organizations, to destroy LRA? What is difficult or impossible there for Museveni to plant his secret agent on along term basis in the LRA?The catalogue of Museveni's cheatings is long, if you must include the recent ones in which President Omar Beshir of Sudan has lost the southern township of Torit to the SPLA on account of having entered into an agreement with Museveni to eliminate the LRA
